|
What
Comes Next: Proposals for a Different Society, by Thad Williamson
Preface
by Gar Alperovitz
President, National Center for Economic and
Security Alternatives
By now
it is a commonplace that Americans have lost trust in some
of the nation's most important institutions: Public belief
in the democratic nature of government --and in the integrity
of business leaders, unions, the media, health-care providers,
educational leaders, and religious leaders-- has declined
dramatically since the early 1960s. Observers on both left
and right have suggested that below the apparent media calm
a subterranean "crisis of confidence" is underway --or even,
plausibly, the beginnings of a "delegitimation crisis." At
the same time, economic growth, although positive as of this
writing, has been slower in the past quarter century than
in the postwar era --and sharply increased income inequality
has accompanied slower growth. With certain exceptions, ecological
problems have also generally worsened in the past quarter
century.
In
the early years of the postwar era an outside observer might
have expected that this confluence of problems and political
disillusionment would fuel a significant politics of reform
and of renewed social movements. Instead, social movements
remain generally weak and national politics remains substantially
stalemated, impervious and often hostile to new ideas for
reform --especially ideas for progressive reform.
Plentiful
(if low paying and insecure) jobs may be the explanation --
at least for the time being. However, standing back from the
current "moment" of politics to reflect upon other historical
eras characterized by stalemate and loss of belief, one might
also expect the emerging context to begin to generate a deeper
"rethinking" of long term vision and strategy: With traditional
pathways blocked, the alternative is a continuation of current
failing strategies and the abandonment of traditional progressive
values.
It
is not often realized that such a rethinking effort is not
only underway, but that there has been a massive outpouring
of new ideas, new visions, new conceptions of long-term political-economic
goals, and in general the emergence of a rich and diverse
literature which is laying intellectual groundwork for what
might plausibly one day give rise to a renewal of positive
strategic development. Just below the surface of media attention
one finds responses to the main features of the new era we
have entered: The decay of the welfare state, the collapse
of Soviet-style socialism, the accelerating process of economic
globalization, a diminution of effective nation-state sovereignty,
growing ecological crises around the world, increasing inequality
both within and between nations, racial, gender and ethnic
conflicts. Progressive political-economic and ecological writers
have been stimulated (indeed, forced!) to begin to articulate
an alternative vision of politics, economics, and community
life for the new century. There is also a broader academic
literature, and a sophisticated dialogue which transcends
traditional political positions among some of the nation's
leading political theorists, economists, and sociologists.
(See, for instance, The Good Society, the journal of the Committee
on the Political Economy of the Good Society, University of
Maryland at College Park. ) The trajectory of current institutional
difficulties has also engendered new debate amongst thoughtful
conservative intellectuals. Inevitably, some visions are partial;
others attempt to be comprehensive; some are aimed at producing
immediate political results; others look to long-term prospects.
Thad
Williamson's bibliography is an attempt to capture, contextualize,
and bring into dialogue a careful selection from several diverse
strands of progressive thought. The central question posed
in this literature concerns the nature of a coherent alternative
to the dominant political and economic systems of the twentieth
century: corporate capitalism and state socialism. And, too,
how (or if) it might be possible to make meaningful progress
towards realizing such a vision. It should be obvious that
the writers here assembled do not agree that "history is over"--that
traditional capitalism has triumphed, that it is the be-all
and end-all of all history. At one level, the writers implicitly
ask of those who think the current moment of history represents
all that there will ever be: Do you truly believe that the
systems which happen to exist just now will last forever?
At another level, they stand in the tradition of those who
throughout history have "made history"--i.e., the people like,
say, the early American revolutionaries, who at the outset
seemed to be without significant support but who somehow represented
something new, something powerful. In recent years societies
from the former Soviet Union to South Africa have learned
that the apparent stability of existing institutional patterns
is rarely the end of history --and nations as different as
France, India, China, Mexico, and many many others know this
from their own developmental history.
This
is not to say that the various forms of capitalism which currently
dominate national development will inevitably be replaced
by some future alternative system. It is simply to suggest
extreme caution --and the danger of mistaking the seeming
solidity of current power for (often implicit) theories of
historical inevitability which subtly transform what is into
what always must be: What the future may hold, quite simply,
is unknown.
If
there is ever to be serious movement in the direction of more
equitable, democratic and ecologically sustainable political-economic
systems, there will clearly also have to be: a sense of shared
values upon which to base future social and institutional
life; a proximate, defensible, and coherent, even if necessarily
incomplete, vision of how a system of political, economic,
and social institutions designed to support such values might
function in the real world; a sense of immediate strategies
and policy steps which might plausibly move over time in the
appropriate direction; and, finally, communities of people
joined together to make things happen. Williamson's main goal
in the following pages is not to summarize the full range
of thought on all these issues; rather it is to highlight
and evaluate key presentations which contribute to the discussion
of the structure of a long term alternative. The summaries,
accordingly, mainly focus on ideas pertaining to the second
and third of the above requirements --i.e., the nature of
new institutions which might ultimately fulfill such values
as liberty, equality, democracy, community, and ecological
rationality; and proximate steps which might be taken to build
institutions which can nurture such values.
This
bibliography represents one of a series of practical and theoretical
undertakings at the National Center for Economic and Security
Alternatives. The perspective and analytical stance are informed
by ideas which have been developed over the last ten years
in seminars and research efforts--and by surveys of "on-the-ground"
institutional development. The bibliography is intended to
serve as an introductory guide to the emerging literature
and also as a discussion and evaluation of the particular
strengths, weaknesses, and overall contributions of each writer
from the perspective of this overall effort.
A central
assumption in what follows is that a democratic alternative
for the new century must emerge from a democratic process:
no one thinker or group can possibly have "all the answers."
Our hope is that this attempt to begin to catalogue and evaluate
the growing number of serious alternative proposals will contribute
to a further democratization of intellectual and political
work--and to a far-ranging and ever deepening dialogue about
what the future might become: We desperately need our own
modern form of Federalist debate about the constitution of
society in the new century. Finally, and above all, we hope
this bibliography will help readers develop their personal
understanding--and, too, their own visions, theories and practical
strategies for positive long-term change.
|